Trump's Unbounded Pursuit of Power and the Violence Against Him
Political violence surges amid rising polarization. Trump's refusal to condemn violence fuels danger, while leaders must reinforce peaceful transitions to protect democracy.
By Jeremi Suri
Although crime rates across the United States have declined, violent attacks on politicians have increased dramatically since 2017. These horrible acts have included the shooting of Republican Congressman Steve Scalise, a mass storming of the U.S. Capitol with chants to “hang Mike Pence” and “kill Nancy Pelosi,” the assault of Nancy Pelosi’s husband after a break-in at her home, and two assassination attempts against former President Donald Trump.
These are more than illegal, depraved acts of violence; they are body blows to our democracy and our constitution. They shake our society to its core. There are many causes, including political polarization, the promotion of extreme views on social media, and the proliferation of weapons. Our society has witnessed periods like this before – most recently, the late 1960s and early 1970s – when similar dynamics were evident, particularly surrounding issues of civil rights.
What is shocking about the current moment is that Donald Trump has been the target of at least two serious assassination attempts in barely two months. (There have surely been threats to President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris, but none appeared to come nearly as close.) The men accused of trying to kill Trump were not associated with Democratic activists, and they were not part of a larger conspiracy. They acted alone.
As was the case for previous would-be assassins in our history, the motives for these men were largely personal. They did, however, appear to take inspiration from the legitimization of political violence by figures in their time – the rhetoric of “fighting” hard and “destroying” your adversary. When a former president calls immigrants “invaders,” other politicians “vermin,” and then surrounds himself with washed-up wrestlers who glorify bashing heads and breaking bones, troubled men are clearly encouraged to act out their frustrations through violence.
Attacking enemies has become a source of meaning for many people. In our current politics, it looks like a respected path to glory, a way to show you are a “real man.” Trump says this explicitly when he defines himself as a hero taking blows from the “corrupt elites” and bludgeoning them in return: “Anybody Who Hits Me, We’re Gonna Hit Them Ten Times Harder.” And if he can get elected president for saying that, why shouldn’t others act similarly?
Democrats have used sharp language to condemn Trump, calling him a threat to democracy in various ways. That is insulting, but it is not a call to violence. With a few exceptions, major Democratic figures have consistently condemned violence, particularly after the January 6, 2021 attack on the Capitol and each of the two assassination attempts against Trump. The former president has not renounced the January 6 attack – he has glorified it – and he joked about the assault of Nancy Pelosi’s husband. He never offered the same strong condemnation of violence articulated by Biden, Harris, and others after the threats to Trump’s life. That difference sends a message to men inclined toward aggressive behavior.
The fact that Trump encourages violence is what makes him a particular target. That does not justify the attacks on him in any way; the attacks on the former president are reprehensible and beyond the pale. But Trump’s willingness to promote violence, and his refusal to recognize any condition for peaceful surrender, turns his candidacy from a democratic campaign into an existential crusade. He has said that himself. Trump announced that Americans “won’t have a country” if he loses. He threatened that his defeat would trigger a “bloodbath.”
Trump will not go quietly, even if soundly defeated at the ballot box and convicted by juries. He will not accept the results when he loses (which he did not in 2020 and numerous court cases), and he will contemplate all possible measures to stay in power (which he did in 2020). Why should those who oppose him follow the usual rules and limitations?
Politics are always rough in the United States. Trump is not the first figure to polarize the American electorate. Think of Andrew Jackson, William Jennings Bryan, or Richard Nixon. Each of these men, however, accepted that they could lose, and if they lost they pledged to go without violence. Each of them condemned the use of force to stay in power, even by their own supporters. Trump’s refusal to do the same does NOT justify violent attacks on his person, but it does encourage such attacks. As he himself says, people want to fight back.
There are many things we must do to discourage political violence. All politicians, not just Trump, must clearly and consistently renounce physical attacks on politicians, the media, immigrants, and anyone else. Weapons must be less available. Above all, Trump and his supporters must pledge to follow peaceful rules for pursuing power in our country. Violence can never be contemplated to seek, hold, or deny political authority in an election, and its aftermath. There must be limits to what a candidate will do, and the candidate and his followers must respect those limits.
Donald Trump should come forward immediately and say that although he will continue to campaign vigorously, and will continue to condemn his opponents, he acknowledges that the pursuit of power is not boundless in a democracy; elections are not existential wars. He must state that he will not tolerate violence from his supporters before, during, or after election day. And he must say that he will accept the election results.
Both Joe Biden and Kamala Harris have made these statements repeatedly. Trump’s continued refusal encourages more of the despicable violence we have seen in recent months.
Also see in:
German, Turkish, Chinese, Spanish
Jeremi Suri holds the Mack Brown Distinguished Chair for Leadership in Global Affairs at the University of Texas at Austin. He is a professor in the University's Department of History and the LBJ School of Public Affairs. Professor Suri is the author and editor of eleven books on politics and foreign policy, most recently: Civil War By Other Means: America’s Long and Unfinished Fight for Democracy. His other books include: The Impossible Presidency: The Rise and Fall of America’s Highest Office; Liberty’s Surest Guardian: American Nation-Building from the Founders to Obama; Henry Kissinger and the American Century; and Power and Protest: Global Revolution and the Rise of Détente. His writings appear in the New York Times, Washington Post, Wall Street Journal, CNN.com, Atlantic, Newsweek, Time, Wired, Foreign Affairs, Foreign Policy, and other media. Professor Suri is a popular public lecturer and comments frequently on radio and television news. His writing and teaching have received numerous prizes, including the President’s Associates Teaching Excellence Award from the University of Texas and the Pro Bene Meritis Award for Contributions to the Liberal Arts. Professor Suri hosts a weekly podcast, “This is Democracy.”